SCHOLASTIC MEDIEVALISM AND ETHICS
“As far as you are able, join faith to reason” (Boethius)
From 500 A.D. to 1500 A.D., in the period known as the Middle or Dark Ages, only a small remnant of Greek civilization survived, mainly the writings of Plato and Aristotle, translated into Latin by Boethius. The barbarian tribes that conquered the Roman empire infused Europe with strange laws, customs, illiteracy, heathenism, and heresy. As a means of survival, feudalism developed, whereby farmers and merchants paid powerful overlords for protection and the right to own land. Against this backdrop, the Roman Catholic Church emerged as the last bastion of literacy and philosophy, but to be sure, they were mostly interested in rooting out heathenism and heresy. First, the Church convinced the royalty in the nation-states to add the position of chancellor to their court. The chancellor was a priest or bishop who advised the king on spiritual matters and usually had the power to override an excessively harsh criminal sentence.
Next, the Church recognized various missionary orders, which at first were less concerned with converting heathens to Christianity than with rooting out heresy through Inquisition. The Inquisition was a series of highly formalized, legal proceedings whereby religious and lay people (called Inquisitors, or secret police) used interrogation and torture to extract the confessions of heretics (called Confessors) and the names of other suspects from often innocent people or those who just happened to support the wrong priest. Many confessors were executed on the spot in a curious variety of religious punishments (Newman 1985), but by the time of the Spanish Inquisition (circa 1300), prisons were widely used to house the convicted. This was the first known use of prisons for punishment. Prior institutions were nothing more than holding facilities. A widespread fallacy is that prisons developed circa 1800, but the Inquisitorial prisons were fully staffed, secure, and provided basic subsistence while convicts were supposed to reform their heretical ways. Further, the ecclesiastical courts, set up by the Inquisition, and based on secret proceedings, rumor, and gossip, became the basis for the modern grand jury. When England, for example, set out to establish the “King’s peace”, or English common law, it built a foundation around the ecclesiastical courts, providing, of course, adversarial rights to defendents.
Finally, the Church established medieval universities, the most notable ones being Paris, Oxford, Cambridge, Naples, the Sorbonne, and Bologna. These were the only places where literacy and philosophy thrived. They began the system of higher education we know today. Instructors were called “masters” or “doctors” who administered a liberal arts curriculum: the trivium, consisting of grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic; and the quadrivium, consisting of mathematics, geography, astronomy, art or music. In addition, all of Aristotle’s writings were required reading and lectures were delivered in Latin. Beyond these basic studies in arts and sciences, some schools allowed further study in theology, medicine, and law. It is at this point that the “schoolmen”, or university scholars, emerged as the dominant force in ethical philosophy throughout the middle ages. Collectively, their social thought is referred to as scholasticism. The major and minor figures produced the major tenets of scholasticism.
ST. AUGUSTINE: PLATONIZER OF CHRISTIANITY
Augustine agreed with Plato that God is not a bodily
thing, but an expression of all that is universal. In nominalist fashion, he
claimed that God is not simply a collection of just qualities, but justice
itself. God is universal and exists on a supernatural realm. One should
therefore look to faith for supernatural truths and look to reason for truths
about nature (Bogardus 1960). This notion that faith should come first followed
by reason is somewhat Platonic and essentially Augustinian. Likewise, there is
no “natural man”, since nature did not create man, God did. A supernatural
element, or soul, exists inside of people. What the Stoics regarded as useless
emotions were to Augustine signs of God’s grace inside of people. All emotions,
except the need for lust in intercourse which is God’s punishment for original
sin, are the means by which faith seeks understanding in intuition and
revelation.
Other than the emotion of faith, hope and love are the most important.
Together, these three make up the cardinal virtues. The summum bonum is love of
God, and all interpersonal relationships should mirror one’s emotional
relationship to God. To love God means practicing the Golden rule: love your
neighbor as yourself, or do unto others as you would have them do unto you. This
is not a teleological ethics, but deontological because love is viewed as good
for its own sake. Acts of goodness may not reserve one a spot in heaven since
salvation is only possible through the death and Resurrection of Christ, not by
human efforts and expectations. What God created was goodness, and evil exists
only because people are deficient. Those who choose sin know in their hearts
that it displeases God, and further, they have corrupted their own nature which
is to seek union with God. In a famous passage from the Confessions, Augustine
said that “You have made us for yourself, O Lord, and our hearts are restless
until they rest in You.” A person avoids corruption (or disordered nature) not
by tests of temptation or Golden means, as the Greeks would have it, but by the
power of faith alone.
For Augustine, there was a single source of truth for
both the supernatural and natural realm. It is eternal, inviolate, and
unchanging. People know it in their hearts as natural law. Whereas the Stoics
saw natural law as impersonal, Augustine equated it with knowledge of God’s
will. The will of God commands observance of the natural order of things and
forbids the disturbance of it. Natural law is the intellectual grasp of eternal
principles. It is not conventional; it does not vary with each society. Since
natural law is eternal, it logically preceeds the state. In the City of God,
Augustine clearly separated church and state. To the latter, he relegated the
responsibility of enacting laws which are in accord or harmony with natural law.
This means preserving rights and privileges which allow one to contemplate
eternal truths, experience shame, and eventually reconcile themselves with God.
The penology is one that justifies imprisonment and opposes capital punishment
on the grounds that offenders might eventually be reformed through religion.
However, he realized in practice that governments are imperfect. In fact, they
are permanently saturated with evil by people pursuing debased pleasures and
wages. Augustine approaches good and evil with a fresh version of parallelism.
All human history is the interplay between two societies: the City of God and
the City of Man, perfection and imperfection. The human condition is such that
we have one foot already in heaven and the other foot stuck in the muck.
Living in an imperfect world has certain moral implications. One is the penology
just mentioned, to always provide for a chance to reform. Two, special care and
compassion should be directed toward vulnerable populations; minorities, women,
and children (Schaefer 1996). Vulnerable populations are those exposed to
different forms of suffering, and even though they may or may not express pain
(or morality) differently, special care should be taken to see that compassion
is equally distributed The notion of chivalry, or preferential treatment to
women, was the one thing barbarians and Christians had in common during the
Middle Ages. To Augustine and the Franciscans, this extended to animal rights
(for attempts to relate the treatment of animals to the ethical treatment of
humans, see Singer 1975; 1979). The argument against sexism and racism is
analogous to the argument against speciesism. If possessing a higher
intelligence does not entitle one to exploit other human beings, then how can it
entitle one to exploit nonhuman beings?
Another implication is the just war theory developed by
Augustine. It was developed specifically for conflicts of loyalty between Church
and state, and potentially has a wide range of applications to criminal justice,
most discernably with warlike campaigns against crime. The just war theory
resembles the military’s rules of engagement, and requires that aggression ought
to be a reaction to unjust aggression, not an initiative, that peaceful methods
be tried first, that there is a good chance of succeeding, and that it
distinguish between combatants and noncombatants (Carmody & Carmody 1993). With
little exception (Malloy 1982), much of the literature on ethics and police use
of force makes use of just war theory without acknowledgement and understanding
that it is derived from religious ethics. A related doctrine comes from medical
ethics (Edge & Groves 1994) and is called the principle of double effect. It
states that if a negative side effect is unavoidable, the harm can be tolerated
by the good intent if good results outweigh the harm. Medical professionals use
this principle whenever they operate or administer drugs, for example, in
tolerating the loss of a fetus to save a mother’s life, or in realizing the
probability of drug addiction in treating a condition. People with religious
ethics obviously do not like war or being involved in doing harm, but they have
strict moral guidelines about the necessity of it.
A final necessity for dealing with evil is lying. Augustine considered that
there are circumstances where lying, or deception, was tolerable. This line of
thought is consistent with the scholastic emphasis on doing the least worse when
you cannot obtain the perfect good. Historically, however, the acceptability of
lying has to do with angelology. Just as there are angels who more or less spite
God, there are degrees of sinfulness regarding deceit. Catholic orthodoxy makes
an important distinction between mortal and venial sins. With regard to lying,
it is only a venial sin (least worse) to lie if you are protecting somebody or
involved in the risk of bodily harm to somebody. However, the doctrine of
veracity assigns a initial negative weight to lying, and always puts the burden
of proof or justification on the liar (Souryal 1992). This means that one is
always personally responsible for their lying, not automatically excused from it
by nature of a specific occupation. While Augustine might have limited police
lying, for instance, to protection of informants and hostage situations, Bok
(1978) has asserted there are many more situations where lying is morally
justifiable.
It must always be remembered, however, that lying is fundamentally wrong. It seriously erodes public confidence and social stability. In all compromises with evil, as Augustine (1950) called them, one should always be able to explain the truth of their actions to a neutral observer, and use their free will to strive for the least sacrifice of natural law. These notions of accountability and the exercise of good judgment in deviating from natural law are referred to as lex praefectus, a term that implies a streetwise but not situational ethics. There should be clear and consistent values, like faith, hope, and love that praefects, or criminal justice officials act on. Any value is appropriate as long as it is universally common to all people, and compels a desire to participate in its diffusion throughout society (Wild 1952).
ST. THOMAS AQUINAS: CHRISTIANIZER OF ARISTOTLE
Aquinas, the “subtle doctor”, so named for his skills at
rhetoric, took Aristotle’s notion of personal responsibility for the realization
of character and applied it to moral responsibility. The need for experience,
practice, and habit were as important to him as they were to Aristotle. Unlike
Plato and Augustine, however, he did not believe faith alone could lead to good
acts. He advocated the use of intellect (or reason) to guide the will (or faith)
toward goodness. In this sense, his approach can be characterized as reason
guiding faith. Practical choices must be made in this world using reason, and
all moral decisions involve hard choices. Freedom to act is only constrained by
rewards and punishments, which is to say that people seek pleasure and avoid
pain. While the irrational part of personality, the will, is naturally inclined
to pursue all kinds of immediate pleasures, the will, guided by intellect can be
trained to desire ultimate or eternal pleasures, such as union with God. It
follows that God’s will is subordinate to His intellect too, since if the
opposite were true, anything God wills (including murder) could be moral.
Morality is therefore a matter of intellectual inquiry, of getting inside God’s
head, of knowing His supreme intelligence. With this contribution, Aquinas
provided ethics with a rational foundation.
The first thing Aquinas did was prove the existence of God. He rested all
five of his proofs upon the common experience that everything must have a cause,
that ex nihilo nihil fit, nothing comes from nothing (Stumpf 1993). With this
notion of causality which prohibits infinite regress, Aquinas proved that God
is: (1) the prime mover, as in a row of dominos; (2) the first efficient cause,
prior to all events; (3) the source of all that is necessary, and not just
possible; (4) the highest degree of perfection in living things, just as all
species owe their origin to a maximum in their genus; and (5) the order and
purpose in nature, since even nonliving things appear to behave orderly and
achieve certain ends. Now, these proofs of God were not intended for theological
use only. They have direct application to an ethics for humans. Since it is
unlikely anybody will become as intelligent as God, the practical application is
to follow the example of God’s being, and combine existence with essence.
Aristotle had taught that defining things expressed their essence (their fixed,
formless, and immutable qualities), but Aquinas was now suggesting that
intellect could only take you so far. Faith was required to complete reason.
Naming and describing things was incomplete without notions of essence and
causality. The impact of this on criminal justice was to be enormous. Standards
like beyond a reasonable doubt would eventually replace complete proof of guilt
and reliance on full confessions. Likewise, with criminal defenses such as
insanity and ignorance, Aquinas offered a critique of them on the grounds of
causality. Defendants are not undeserving of punishment because they cannot
possibly foresee the consequences of their acts. Instead, they are responsible
for using their intelligence for what they should have known, by making an extra
leap of faith in the direction pointed to by what intelligence they do have.
Carelessness is as wrong as bad intent.
The subject of law was important to Aquinas. In his
Commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics, he distinguished between four types: (1)
eternal law, which refers to God’s conceptions of things; (2) natural law, which
is that portion of eternal law that can be grasped by people; (3) human law,
which represents the statutes of governments; and (4) divine law, or that which
governs man’s spiritual end. The first is nothing more than a statement that
God’s reason is like a law unto itself, and the fourth is an admission to
Augustine’s trilogy of virtues: faith, hope, and love as ways to fulfill one’s
supernatural purpose, but Aquinas is quick to point out that eternal happiness
is ordained in proportion to one’s natural faculties. Natural and human laws are
the essential parts of this fourfold typology. Natural law is imprinted on the
hearts of men, and consists of the basic precept “do good and avoid evil.” Also
built into man’s nature are other particulars, such as preservation of life,
propagation and education of offspring, the pursuit of truth, and living
peacefully with fellowmen who are also engaged in this quest. People fulfill
their natural end by adhering to the cardinal virtues of justice, temperance,
courage, and prudence, of which justice is the summum bonum.
Human law should be a reflection of natural law. Any law a government enacts
that is not in accordance with natural law is a perversion of justice to
Aquinas. What gives a law its legality and legitimacy is its moral character,
not the fact it has been passed by some legislature. Aquinas distinguishes
between civil obedience and civil disobedience in drawing upon Aristotle’s
notion of man being a “social animal.” If a human law serves no natural purpose,
it should be disobeyed since we ought to obey God rather than men. Aquinas
further required that the particulars of human law be scientifically derived
from the particulars of natural law. This idea that the substance and sanctions
of law can be adequately formulated to prescribe good conduct is known as
positive law. It is normally associated with social contract thinking and rule
by consent. Aquinas appeared to suggest such ideas in his conception of living
peacefully with fellow countrymen who are also engaged in this quest. Under such
a social contract, human authority exists primarily for the development of
goodness in individuals, a rather paternalistic conception. Natural law, from
which human law is derived, then serves as a check to ensure that human
authority is never used as an end in itself.
On matters of justice, Aquinas said that Aristotle had it backwards.
Distributive justice ought to be equality-based, and corrective justice ought to
be equity-based. Since criminal justice falls under the heading of corrective
justice (refer back to Box 3-2), equity (fairness) and not equality (balance) is
the moral response to crime for Aquinas. This is because Aquinas, and all the
scholastics, regarded crime as a personal issue, involving harm to real,
concrete individuals. Punishment ought to fit the criminal, not the crime. They
wanted to avoid impersonality at all costs. In two other books written by
Aquinas, Summa Contra Gentiles and Summa Theologiae, capital punishment is
justified on the basis of the public good. Romans 13:4 is usually taken by
Christians as support for carrying out God’s revenge. Short of executing people
in different ways, it is not surprising that the scholastics turned to equity as
a solution for the overall crime problem. The role of chancellor, usually being
occupied by a churchman, was to dispense equity in the form of an appeal for the
king to follow his conscience rather than the dictates of iron-clad procedures.
Dispensations of equity allowed for a variety of remedies, from injunctions for
someone to stop doing something to injunctions for someone to start doing
something. A person stealing might be forced to render free public service for a
period of time (if they had a trade) instead of being hanged along with all
other thiefs as equality would require. Equity has in personam (over people)
jurisdiction rather than over things (in rem). It cannot decide cases on the
basis of money, property, or other easily measured things. It can, however, jail
a person for refusing to abide by conditions of the injunction order. Equity
provides for circumstances that are not easily handled by law and is directly
concerned with the gravity of the crime. Given the emphasis that all the
scholastics placed on looking out for the interests of the poor, the concept of
need-based equity merits consideration. It would justify theft and other crimes
under certain circumstances on the basis that extreme deprivation leads to the
necessity for self-preservation (Delgado 1995). If poverty forced a person to
have no chance of benefiting from obeying the law, under need-based equity, they
would be entitled to a fairness other than equality of punishment, or at least
absolved of blame, and the morality of law requires that we only punish who we
can blame.
NOMINALISM
William of Ockham was perhaps the leading nominalist of
his time, although Abelard was important in fleshing out the practical and
ethical implications. Simply put, nominalism is the view that universals (the
qualities of all things common to that class of objects) have no real existence
separate from the thoughts, terms, and words used to describe them. Redness, for
example, is a universal which is thought to exist because of all the red objects
in the world. A nominalist would deny the existence of redness, and urge more
precise terminology for red objects.
Nominalism developed as a reaction to Platonic idealism, specifically
Plato’s theory of the Forms. The aesthetics or beauty of things are found in the
particulars (the things-in-themselves), not the universals. For scholastics,
God’s purpose is found in the particulars, and to become more like God, one must
learn to admire the particulars. It just so happens that this coincides with the
methods of empirical science: define and operationalize your terms, make do with
the fewest hypotheticals, and restrict your generalizations to what the data
allow. In short, nominalism opened the door for empirical science to emerge. The
ethics of nominalism most closely relate to the problems of prejudice and
racism.
Prejudice and racism are wrong on the basis on nominalism because they confuse a
class of objects with the particular objects. Reducing people to their group
identity on the basis of race (or gender) is bigotry. Talking in terms of
universals assumes a shared meaning that is not there. In error and without the
hard work of using intellect, people assume the shared vocabulary has meaning
simply because it captures a whole host of unobservables. There is, in reality,
no way to observe a whole class of objects, and there is no such thing as a
universal class of people, only individuals. Prejudice and racism result from
not seeing the individuals, and involve the use of too many hypotheticals or the
multiplication of unobservables.
INTERNET RESOURCES
Augustine and
Aquinas on Just War
Augustine and
Augustinians Today
Catholic Encyclopedia on
St. Aquinas
Catholic Encyclopedia on
St. Augustine
Internet Encyclopedia article on
Debates in Ethics
Resources on
Just War Theory
Scholastic
Ethics and Politics
The Ethics of
Thomas Aquinas
PRINTED RESOURCES
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Bogardus, E. (1960). The Development of Social Thought. New York: David
McKay.
Carmody, D. & J. (1993). Christian Ethics. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice
Hall.
Delgado, R. (1995). “Rotten Social Background: Should the Criminal Law Recognize
a Defense of Severe Environmental Deprivation” in Punishment and
Rehabilitation, 3e. edited by J. Murphy, pp. 249-73. Belmont: Wadsworth.
Edge, R. & Groves, J. (1994). The Ethics of Health Care. Albany: Delmar.
Murphy, E. (1982). The Ethics of Law Enforcement and Criminal Punishment.
Lanham: University Press of America.
Newman, G. (1985). The Punishment Response. Albany: Harrow & Heston.
Pollock, J. (2004). Ethics in Crime and Justice, 4e. Belmont, CA:
Wadsworth.
Schaefer, F. (1996). “Influence of the Church on Civil Law” in The Catholic
Encyclopedia, pp. 140-47. Annapolis: New Advent.
Singer, P. (1975). Animal Liberation. New York: Avon Books.
Singer, P. (1979). Practical Ethics. New York: Cambridge University
Press.
Souryal, S. (1992). Ethics in Criminal Justice. Cincinnati: Anderson.
Stumpf, S. (1993). Socrates to Sartre: A History of Philosophy. 5th edition.
New York: McGraw-Hill.
Wild, J. (1952). “Natural Law and Modern Ethical Theory,” Ethics: an
International Journal, 63: 1-13.
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